Some
of the women rescued by the Nigerian Army from the dreaded Boko Haram
terrorist group have narrated their shocking ordeal in the hands of
their kidnappers.
Halima,
15, holds Hauwa, the baby of her friend Hamsatu, 25, who is sewing a
prayer cap in their tent in Maiduguri, Nigeria. Both women were
abducted, held captive and forced into marriage by Boko Haram. (Jane
Hahn/For The Washington Post)
For months, they were kept in tiny thatched huts in the middle of
the forest, waiting with dread each evening for their rapists to return.
During the almost intolerable violence, the young women’s minds drifted
to escape or death. The victims were as young as 8.
At the heart of Boko Haram’s self-proclaimed caliphate in
northeastern Nigeria was a savage campaign of rape and sexual slavery
that has only recently been uncovered. Thousands of girls and women were
held against their will, subject to forced marriages and relentless
indoctrination. Those who resisted were often shot.
Now, many of the women are suddenly free — rescued in a series of
Nigerian military operations over the past year that dislodged the
extremist Islamist group from most of the territory it controlled. But
there have been few joyous family reunions for the victims.
Most of the surviving women no longer have homes. Their cities were
burned to the ground. The military has quietly deposited them in
displacement camps or abandoned buildings, where they are monitored by
armed men suspicious of their loyalties. They are still labeled “Boko
Haram wives.”
Few could have imagined such an outcome two years ago, when 276
schoolgirls were kidnapped by Boko Haram and the world responded with
the Bring Back Our Girls campaign. While most of those schoolgirls from
Chibok are still missing, many people assumed the other kidnapped women
would be warmly welcomed back.
Instead, they are shunned
For seven months, Hamsatu, now 25, and Halima, 15, were among Boko
Haram’s sex slaves, raped almost every day by the same unit of fighters
in the remote Sambisa Forest. Now, they live in a narrow, white tent in a
displacement camp, with empty cement bags sewn together to create a
curtain. The women spoke on the condition that their full names were not
used in order to freely describe their experiences.
When Halima leaves the tent to get food for the two of them, the
other people living in the camp scowl at her or cautiously move away.
“You’re the one who was married to Boko Haram,” one older woman spat at her recently.
“We can’t trust any of them,” said one guard.
Authorities say there are good reasons for their wariness. Last
year, 39 of 89 Boko Haram suicide bombings were carried out by women,
according to UNICEF. Twenty-one of those female attackers were under the
age of 18, many of them girls apparently abducted from villages and
cities and converted into assassins. Since January, female attackers
have killed hundreds of people across northeastern Nigeria, in mosques,
markets and even displacement camps.
No one knows exactly why some women who were captured and abused
became killers. Maybe it was the indoctrination. Maybe it was the
militants’ threats.
Either way, the job of reintegrating the displaced has become vastly more complicated for Nigerian authorities.
And for survivors trying to move on from a horrific chapter of their lives, there is now a new agony.
“There is no trust here,” said Hamsatu, crouching in her
tent and wearing the same pink, flowery dress she had on when she was
kidnapped 18 months ago. In her arms, she held the baby of her captor.
‘I don’t know if he’s alive’
It was September 2014 when Boko Haram fighters took over Hamsatu’s
and Halima’s home city of Bama, near the Cameroonian border. Many of the
350,000 residents managed to flee. But the fighters immediately started
killing the male civilians who couldn’t escape. Some were shot in their
homes. Others were beheaded and thrown in mass graves.
With a group of about 25 other women, Hamsatu and Halima say, they
were moved by the militants from home to home and then forced to travel
on foot and on the backs of motorcycles to the Sambisa Forest, where
Boko Haram had set up camps for its sex slaves.
The women were each assigned to a sliver of a hut, barely big
enough to lie down. Hamsatu said that days later, one fighter, whose
name she never learned, entered the hut and said a prayer in what
sounded to her like Arabic.
Now they were married, he told her. She thought of her real husband, who had been missing since the day Boko Haram stormed Bama.
“I don’t know if he’s alive,” she said.
From then on, the days were uniformly violent. Different men would
come into her hut each evening, in addition to the one who called
himself her “husband,” Hamsatu said. Sometimes they screamed at her for
not praying enough. “Even the Chibok girls are better Muslims than you,”
a man yelled at her once.
Sometimes the men said nothing at all, tearing off her headscarf
and raping her on the floor of the hut, she recalled. After about two
months, she became pregnant.
Publicly, Boko Haram members decry the tyranny of Nigeria’s federal
government, which is mostly Christian in a nation where Muslims, nearly
half of the population, have long complained about being marginalized.
The militants rail against secular education and demand strict Islamic
observance. The group has declared allegiance to the Islamic State.
But to their prisoners, the fighters’ campaign didn’t seem driven
by ideology so much as a wild appetite for sex and violence. It would
take the rest of the world some time to learn about Boko Haram’s
institutionalized sexual abuse. Rape wasn’t just a byproduct of the
chaos of war in Nigeria, U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon would say in
2015. It was a calculated “tactic of terror.”
“These people have a certain spiritual conviction that any child they father will grow to inherit their ideology,” Kashim Shettima, the governor of Borno state — where Bama is located — told reporters last year.
At night, Hamsatu heard helicopters and gunshots. Several times,
she attempted to escape, but she was caught and returned by guards.
After a while, the pregnancy slowed her and she stopped trying.
When the Nigerian military came, it hardly felt to the women like a
rescue operation. Soldiers burned the huts while women were still
inside and shot wildly at everyone, they said. Several women were killed
or disappeared during the operation, according to accounts from several
former captives. Halima is now raising a 3-year-old orphan whose mother
vanished during the rescue operation.
The women were loaded in pickup trucks and dumped on a desert road
about 50 miles away, they said. Military interrogators arrived.
The women were searched for weapons. After months of being held by
one of the world’s deadliest terror groups, the women realized: They
were now suspects.
Fearing the ‘liberated’
“Sambisa woman” — that’s what they called Hamsatu and
Halima when the women arrived at the Dalori displacement camp on the
outskirts of the city of Maiduguri in April of last year. It was the
name of the forest where they had been enslaved.
Hamsatu and Halima were taken to a tent they shared with two other
women and the 3-year-old orphan — all of whom had been “liberated” from
Boko Haram, as the military said. The women who had been forcibly
married to fighters were kept apart from other people displaced by the
war.
Unlike most of the world’s refugee or displacement camps, which are
run by the United Nations and international aid groups, the camps where
Boko Haram’s victims live are administered by the Nigerian military.
Outside Dalori, an army captain stands by the front gate. Visitors are
patted down. A poster of high-level Boko Haram suspects hangs on the
perimeter wall of the camp. Aid workers need military permission to
enter the camps.
Some women who lived under Boko Haram are occasionally hauled off to a military base for questioning, and then returned.
“The fear is that they’ve been converted to Boko Haram’s ideology,” said Mohammed Ali Guja, the chairman of the city of Bama. “They are now a different person.”
The country’s displaced population has ballooned. As of March,
there were 2.6 million internally displaced people, or IDPs, in
northeastern Nigeria, according to the International Organization for
Migration. Even local relief workers worry that the women they have been
sent to help might be concealing loyalties to their Boko Haram
abductors.
“The simple truth is they pose a serious threat to the general public,” said
Ann Darman, of the Gender Equality, Peace and Development Center, a
Nigerian aid group that often works with the United Nations.
Last year, just as the liberated women were pouring into
displacement camps and local communities, there was a surge in female
suicide bombers. In June, one killed 20 people at a bus station in
Maiduguri. A day later, two bombers killed 30 at a market in the city.
In July, two more killed 13 people near a military checkpoint. In
October, four girls and a boy targeted a mosque, killing 15. Witnesses
said some of the attackers appeared to be no older than 9.
“We think they have more or less brainwashed these children,”
said Maj. Gen. Lucky Irabor, the top Nigerian military official in
the northeast. “They have become useful tools” for Boko Haram.
Amid the attacks, Hamsatu gave birth last June to the child of her rapist in the camp’s rundown clinic.
Her daughter made her an even greater target of scorn. In many
Nigerian communities, people believe that the father’s blood courses
through the veins of his child, “so that at some point in the future they will be likely to turn against their own community,” said Rachel Harvey, UNICEF’s head of child protection in Nigeria.
A subtle shunning
One morning in mid-March, the women in the narrow white tent woke
up on thin mats, each with one pair of clothes to wear. At 10, Halima
walked across the scorching-hot sand to get breakfast: rice and beans
donated by Nigeria’s government aid agency.
At the food-collection point, sometimes people inch away from her, she said, as if it would be dangerous to get too close.
It didn’t seem to matter that she had been vetted by the Nigerian
military. Or that she actually never wanted children and was now
struggling to raise a 3-year-old and blamed Boko Haram each time the
girl cried or soiled herself or asked where her real mom was.
Just a few weeks before, three female suicide bombers had blown
themselves up in the nearby village of Dalori, part of an attack that
killed 86 people, including children. The suspicion of Boko Haram’s
victims only grew. In late March, a Nigerian girl was apprehended with
explosives strapped to her body in Cameroon, near the Nigerian border.
She set off a brief scandal when she said she was one of the Chibok
girls, but Nigerian officials denied her claim.
Some worry that in a part of Nigeria that was once torn apart by a
homegrown insurgency, another cleavage is forming, this one in the wake
of war.
“Subjecting [the victims] to further discrimination and ill
treatment due to their status as victims of Boko Haram violence is
certain to undermine the entire response to the situation in the
northeast,” said Martin Ejidike, a prominent human rights adviser to the United Nations in Nigeria.
There are few signs the situation will improve. Many international
aid organizations won’t work in the north because of the continued
insecurity.
The government had opened a deradicalization center to help
re-integrate the former victims, but it closed late last year, after
admitting only 311 people. Officials at the national security adviser’s
office did not return phone calls seeking an explanation for the
closure.
In the camps, some of the women victimized by Boko Haram down bottles of homemade cough syrup to get deliriously high alone.
Once a week, Halima and Hamsatu attend group therapy sessions in a tent that says “Safe Place for Women and Girls.”
There they are known as “the sisters” because of how close they’ve
become. They gather in a circle on the floor with about a dozen other
women. The counselor repeats a few lines during each meeting. Hamsatu
and Halima wait quietly for them, wishing they were true.
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